Category Archives: Foreign Policy

Kindness as an Instrument of Foreign Policy

Monday, April 16, 2012

On Thursday, April 12, the government of North Korea launched a multi-stage rocket which it said was intended to put a satellite into orbit, but which our government feared was an attempt to test that rocket as a potential vehicle for the long-distance delivery of nuclear weapons. It’s a scary thought to be sure. The only good news is that the rocket malfunctioned and never achieved its stated or other objectives. At most, its failed launching will turn out to be a learning experience for North Korean rocket scientists and engineers.

Shortly thereafter, the United States.. No, let’s make that “we,” to personalize the point. Shortly thereafter, we canceled a deal we had struck with North Korea to provide badly needed food aid to that country in return for its agreeing to calm things down and not initiate any threatening, “provocative” actions.

Keeping in mind that I am absolutely no fan of dictatorships and of the North Korean government in particular, I have a problem with what we’ve done. First of all, it’s North Korea’s right as a sovereign nation – whether or not we like the form or substance of its government – to develop weapons, including weapons we have long had in abundance. “We have these weapons, lots and lots of them, very high tech and powerful, but you (North Korea) can’t.” That’s what we’re saying. Why not? Because we don’t trust that they will have them, but not use them.

Unfortunately, our argument is intellectually, maybe even morally corrupt.
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It’s time we paid China off.

Saturday, January 22, 2011

By “we,” I mean us. Literally, you and me, as opposed to Congress which could order the pay off, or the Department of the Treasury which could just do it. More on this distinction in a moment.

You know how your relationship with a person, a friend or relative, changes when you let them do you a favor? Especially if you borrow money from that person? It does, doesn’t it. You lose leverage. You know it, and the other person knows it. It may, in fact, be why the other person offered or agreed to do you that favor in the first place, to change your public, if not private, attitude toward his or her behavior. It used to be okay for you to be openly critical of that creep in your department, until he covered your ass with your supervisor when you blew that assignment.
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Question of the Day: Exactly whose war is McChrystal fighting?

Tuesday, June 22, 2010

The question isn’t whether or not General McChrystal and his high ranking aids should have criticized the President and other national security senior players in public. His remarks, however accurate and commonly held within the military, were entirely inappropriate. He deserves to be fired. The President has no choice but to make an example of him and those of his staff who were unable to keep their opinions to themselves, on the record or not, in the presence of a Rolling Stone reporter.

The question is not even whether or not the General’s comments were accurate and, if so, what their implications might be for our foreign policy and politics.

The question is, given the considerable differences between the General and the President and our civilian national security management, whose war has the General been fighting? The one the President, our elected leader, has instructed him to fight, or the one General McChrystal believes he should be fighting?

The question of the day is, “Who’s in charge?” Has General McChrystal honored his Constitutional obligation to the maximum extent of his abilities, regardless of his personal opinions of the quality and direction of elected decision-making, or has he allowed those personal opinions to affect the course of our military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan?

-wf

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Question of the Day: Who are we to tell Iran (or any country) that they can’t have nuclear weapons?

Wednesday, June 9, 2010

For the record, I find nuclear weapons, for any imaginable purpose, including self-defense, to be abhorrent. I don’t want there to be nuclear weapons, and I certainly don’t want Iran to have them for all the obvious reasons.

My problem with the repeated demands we have made has to do with the integrity of our position. My rule about telling other countries what to do is simple. Don’t expect them to acquiesce to demands that we wouldn’t agree to ourselves.
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Question of the Day: Are US interests always consistent with world peace?

Friday, October 9, 2009

Today’s award of the Nobel Peace Prize to President Obama raises the question of whether or not what’s in our best interest is also, invariably, in the interest of world peace?

First things first. We need a definition before this article begins to sound like the answer to a question at some beauty pageant. Mine is a very narrow concept. By “world peace” I’m referring to the balance among nations and/or ethnic or cultural interests that minimizes the use or material threat of military action to accomplish their objectives. We can all agree to disagree and keep talking – as long as no one gets hurt or dies in the meantime. And yes, I can be breathtakingly simpleminded sometimes, but I’m not writing a book here.

Are there circumstances when President Obama will take, or not take action to protect US citizens and interests, here and abroad, because those actions will be detrimental to world peace? It’s not a ridiculous question. Far from it.

We and some other Western countries have a problem with terrorism on the basis of which we have justified military action in Iraq, and now in Afghanistan. Those actions have, arguably, stimulated reactions by the terrorists, of course, but also on the part of other countries which sympathize with their beliefs, if not with their methods, with ramifications that extend beyond the original disagreement between “them” and us.

Have our actions in the Middle East had a calming effect or have they heightened international tensions in the region and elsewhere? What are we going to do if Pakistan, a nuclear arms power, doesn’t cooperate to the extent that we think is necessary to deny our enemies safe harbor and other support they are now receiving in that country? Under what circumstances will we – President Obama – tolerate what we perceive to be misbehavior by any sovereign nation, weak or powerful, in support of movements which threaten the United States? How far are we willing to go, on our own, to prevent Iran from developing and disseminating nuclear weapons given the implications for regional and world peace of a US-lead preemptive attack?

Don’t misunderstand my point. Without question, I’m certain the President takes into account the international ramifications of any military initiative he considers. But is it, his decision process that is, about “world peace,” or is really a matter of going as far as we can, of doing as much as we can get away with, militarily speaking, to protect the United States?

The former, global perspective is more civilized, broadly defined, and speaks to a loftier, more humane national character that puts the welfare of others at least on a par with that of our own people. The latter is all about selfishness and protecting our citizens and interests at the expense of others – others who may or may not be involved.

Nobel Prizes notwithstanding, the question is, which Presidential mindset do we want and have in The White House? In Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran, I think we’re about to find out.

-wf


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The US Policy Against Assassination: Where should we draw the line?

Saturday, July 11, 2009

As we all know, it is against US policy to assassinate the leaders of foreign governments. My first reaction to this rule has always been positive. Killing anyone is a bad thing, even in self-defense. It may have been justified. It may have been necessary to save your own life, or the lives of family and countrymen, but it’s still a bad thing to have to kill anyone. I say this on moral grounds, intellectually speaking, having never found myself, thank goodness, in the position of having to take someone’s life to protect my own or the lives of others.

Government leaders are high profile people who are relatively easy to kill. Getting away with it is another story, but if you’re motivated and have sufficient resources at your disposable, it’s doable. Doable, maybe, but does it make any sense? Is a practical thing to do? We kill their President, they kill ours. What a mess. There are consequences, short- and long-term repercussions that are often unpredictable and counterproductive to our objectives. Moral issues notwithstanding, assassination is bad politics and no substitute for good foreign policy based on intelligent diplomacy.

So what’s my problem? My problem is that I’m not sure where we should draw the line. On a personal level, if someone threatens you with deadly force, with a loaded gun for example, if they present a “clear and present danger,” well, you have every right to defend yourself. In fact, you have the legal and common sense right to take preemptive action. You do not, in other words, have wait until you’ve been shot at to shoot back.

On a societal level, the police and our military overseas routinely hunt and often kill people who have demonstrated their willingness and ability to take the lives of innocents. A South Carolina serial killer – a lone gunman who was clearly not the leader of a sovereign nation – was himself recently killed in a shootout with a policeman. For similar reasons, our military, acting as our national police force overseas, has killed a good number of Al Qaida leaders and operatives – and is still aggressively looking for Osama bin Laden, dead or alive.

However many his followers, Mr. bin Laden is also not the leader of a sovereign nation. He’s a criminal, a murderer of innocents who routinely and repeatedly demonstrates his disregard for the lives of his followers and enemies alike. In every way I can imagine, bin Laden meets the criteria for a “clear and present danger” deserving of the use of lethal force, if necessary, to stop him. I have no reason to believe that bin Laden, himself, has ever killed anyone. Doesn’t make any difference, does it? Even if he’s never hurt anyone, personally, he’s recruited, trained and commanded his followers who have.

But what would happen if Mr. bin Laden was the not just a criminal on the run, but a head of state, the elected leader or dictator of a sovereign nation? …a head of state using national resources to recruit, train, arm and surreptitiously command followers whose demonstrated purpose is to kill innocent Americans and other nationals, perhaps including his own countrymen? Now what?

Our best, most civilized diplomatic efforts fair to even curtail, let alone stop the carnage. Other nations add their voices, but to no avail. Do we just let Mr. bin Laden hide behind his government title? If, heaven forbid, bin Laden or his counterpart in the Taliban were to seize control of the government of Afghanistan, is that it? Are they safe? Does the mantle of authority, democratically elected or not, somehow suddenly change everything?

Given that our government believed in the imminent threat of weapons of mass destruction, was the assassination of Saddam Hussein out of the question just because he was the leader of a sovereign nation? If Kim Jong-il’s North Korea poses a real, clear and present nuclear weapons threat to the United States and our allies in the region, and we believe that he, personally, is the problem, isn’t a preemptive assassination a more rational solution than war? I’m not suggesting it, mind you, just raising the question.

If it was up to me, what would be the fine print in our government’s policy against assassination? I don’t know, and it bothers me that I don’t.

-wf


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The Last Laugh Hypothesis: An Alternative Foreign Policy for North Korea

Thursday, June 25, 2009

North Korea, however reprehensible its government, has the same right to have weapons, nuclear or other, as we do. If, let’s say, Denmark decided it wanted nuclear weapons, would we be threatening economic sanctions and forcibly boarding their ships? Of course not. We don’t like North Korea, but that we don’t trust its government is no excuse for telling it what to do. Lots of countries don’t like or trust our government. Do we tolerate them telling us what to do? Do we really even care what they think? The fact is, we pick on North Korea because we are big, strong, wealthy and we can get away with it.

The fact is, we have no moral ground to tell North Korea to stand down. Our nuclear arsenal is huge. We have the technology for delivering those weapons over vast distances and with incredible precision. And we are the only country to have ever used one, twice. Where exactly do we get off telling another country that it can’t have the weapons we already have in abundance, and refuse to dismantle?

Unfortunately, in the process of throwing our weight around with characteristically impatient foreign policy, we have created a world in which tough talk and threatening to build nuclear weapons is a way to get our attention. The more they pound their chests, the more we pound ours which may work for gorillas and adolescents on a school playground. As foreign policy, however, it’s a counterproductive waste of time, money and, quite possibly, lives.

Let’s try something very different. Instead of punishing the North Korean people for their government not behaving the way we would like, why do we just step back and let its government build whatever weapons and suppress its people as it sees fit. Let’s put aside the guiding principal that no country whose government that isn’t democratically elected has quite the same sovereign rights as one whose government is. Instead, let’s open our economy to this rogue nation, avoiding only certain high technology sectors for now.

Mind you, I’m not suggesting that we offer economic assistance, or cooperation which is really what I have in mind, as a reward for not developing nuclear weapons. That would just be encouraging bad behavior. No. What I’m suggesting is that we stop talking about nuclear weapons and make an unconditional offer of open, bilateral economic development with the United States and other western nations. “What can our economy do to work with your economy? …No strings attached.”

The objective is to link their economy to ours and do everything we can, through our private sector and without US government assistance, to improve the quality of life for the North Korean people. It will take time, years, but the magic of economic development will eventually have its effect, gradually at first, but then increasingly so. Over time, government leaders will come and go, overseeing an increasingly open North Korean society that serves a growing class of entrepreneurs and business and other professionals who demand the freedom to enjoy the benefits of their labor and creativity.

And one day, the North Korean government we once distrusted, rightly so, will have made the transition to democracy which Capitalism demands, and will no longer care about the nuclear weapons we once feared they would build. Why? Because, to put it simply, people with stuff will do their best to take care of it and acquire more stuff – which doesn’t give them the time or motivation for warmongering.

One thing’s for sure. Whatever we’re doing now isn’t working. Why not give economic development a chance? The current regime in North Korea will think it has won, has made its point, oblivious to the irrepressibly infectious capitalism we spread to every economy we touch. Fine. It is a victory without substance, of rhetoric we can easily tolerate, without the sticks and stones which are our real concern. Years from now, when the current government is history and North Korea is the new South Korea, we will have had the last laugh.

-wf


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The Problem With Telling North Korea (or Iran*) That It Can’t Have Nuclear Weapons

Tuesday, May 26, 2009

The term our media likes to use when it talks about North Korea is “rogue nation.” The point is that somehow, because they don’t behave according to our standards, they can’t be allowed to have nuclear weapons or other sharp objects.

Don’t misunderstand. I really, really don’t want them to have nuclear weapons technology. But, to be honest, I don’t want us to have nuclear weapons either.

Nuclear weapons are in a league of their own for the levels of societal and planetary destruction they can affect. They are extraordinary, literally and to say the least. I have thought long and hard over many years – since I was coached, as a child, by well-meaning teachers to hide under my desk in the event of a nuclear explosion – but have yet to conceive of a single circumstance under which I would advocate the use of these weapons by my own country. So generally devastating is their impact, I’m not sure they are appropriate to use even in self-defense. And I certainly believe in self-defense.

It’s not so much that I don’t want North Korea to have nuclear weapons, as much as it is that I don’t want anyone to have nuclear weapons, ourselves and our allies included. I see them as the explosive equivalent of a biological weapon. The very fact that they exist virtually guarantees their eventual use, by accident, by sociopaths regardless of their cause, not to mention by any one of the world’s most prominent and civilized nuclear powers. (What nation, regardless of its stature, that has nuclear weapons doesn’t have contingency plans to use them?) I fear their existence, but not in a mature and sobering way. They are for me, like their biological counterparts, the adult version of something that goes “bump” in the night.

My personal feelings aside, what do we do when a nut ball nation like North Korea, who we don’t trust not to use or irresponsibly disseminate nuclear weapons technology, wants a bomb of its own? The conceptually simple answer is that we – the entire world – need to pass a law, with rules and procedures for enforcement that makes it illegal, literally, for any nation – no exceptions – to have nuclear weapons. Wow. Breathtaking, isn’t it? In the meantime, we’re left with no option, if all attempts to negotiate with and bribe the offending government fail, short of destroying that country’s nuclear weapons capabilities. That’s an act of war. We may get away with it because we’re so big and strong, but it’s an act of war nonetheless.

There’s a problem with parents who smoke and then tell their children not to. With parents who take drugs or consume alcoholic beverages excessively and wonder why their children do the same. And there’s a problem with parents who, heaven forbid, use physical force to “control” their children, and wonder why those same children may exhibit violent tendencies themselves.

Yes, how to deal with the proliferation of nuclear weapons is a really difficult problem, and is not something we’re going to resolve any time soon. Pretty much never, at the current pace we’re going. (My guess is that it’s going to take a precipitant crisis, perhaps even an explosion, to get our collective attention in any meaningful way.) In the process, the one thing we need to do first is understand the negative example we and other nuclear nations are setting and revise our own behavior until we have the moral right to tell anyone else what to do.

*See “Why Iran has every right to develop nuclear weapons,” posted on the WordFeeder Wednesday, September 23, 2008.

-wf


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Questioning the Judgment of Barack Obama

“In the absence of information unknown to either of them at the time, the fact that he didn’t agree with Senator Clinton doesn’t make him right, it makes him dangerously, recklessly presumptuous, and offers proof of his lack of preparedness and poor judgment.”

Friday, September 26, 2008

Good morning. This piece was originally published under the title “Reckless Endangerment” months ago, on Saturday, February 23, 2008. I wrote it in reaction to Senator Obama’s repeated claims that he was opposed to the war in Iraq from the very beginning. At some point, I took the time to read the speech to which he was referring and realized two things: That he was, in fact, against the war from the beginning, but that in saying so he was pandering to his audience and, most importantly, showing poor, I thought decidedly un-Presidential judgment in light of the circumstances of his opinion as defined by his own words in that same speech.

Given that tonight’s first Presidential debate is on the subject of foreign policy and national security, I thought it appropriate that I post this piece again for fresh eyes who may be visiting the WordFeeder now, but weren’t then when I was just getting started. It’s a longer piece, but interesting history that’s worth reading. Here it is. As always, your comments will be greatly appreciated.

Reckless Endangerment
Saturday, February 23, 2008

Enough already.

Senator Obama makes a big deal about how his early opposition to the war in Iraq is proof positive of his judgment and readiness to be President – in sharp contrast to Senator Clinton who, at the same time, voted to endorse the use of military force. Never missing an opportunity to remind us of this point, Senator Obama made the following statement during Thursday’s Democratic debate in Austin:

But [being Commander-in-Chief] also means using our military wisely. And on what I believe was the single most important foreign policy decision of this generation, whether or not to go to war in Iraq, I believe I showed the judgment of a commander-in-chief. And I think that Senator Clinton was wrong in her judgment on that.

Let’s overlook the excessively dramatic and technically meaningless reference to the “single most important foreign policy decision of this generation.” (Precisely what generation would that be, and are those people done making history?) Forget about the fact that he didn’t demonstrate his judgment back then by voting for anything. What he “showed” us was a speech of perhaps two typewritten pages. Let’s focus instead upon the meat of the decision to which the Senator is referring.

On October 2, 2002, now US Senator, then Illinois State Senator Barack Obama delivered a brief speech entitled “Against Going to War with Iraq.” The speech was presented at an anti-Iraq war rally in Chicago. It was short, and to the point. My apologies for including such an extensive quote, but I want both to do the Senator justice as well as make my point with his own words.

I don’t oppose all wars. …[What I oppose is a] dumb war. A rash war. A war based not on reason but on passion, not on principle but on politics.

Now let me be clear – I suffer no illusions about Saddam Hussein. He is a brutal man. A ruthless man. A man who butchers his own people to secure his own power. He has repeatedly defied UN resolutions, thwarted UN inspection teams, developed chemical and biological weapons, and coveted nuclear capacity.

He’s a bad buy. The world, and the Iraqi people, would be better off without him.

But I also know that Saddam poses no imminent and direct threat to the United States, or to his neighbors, that the Iraqi economy is in shambles, that the Iraqi military a fraction of its former strength, and that in concert with the international community he can be contained until, in the way of all petty dictators, he falls away into the dustbin of history.

I know that even a successful war against Iraq will require a US occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences. I know that an invasion of Iraq without a clear rationale and without strong international support will only fan the flames of the Middle East, and encourage the worst, rather than the best, impulses of the Arab world, and strengthen the recruitment arm of al-Qaeda.

I am not opposed to all wars. I’m opposed to dumb wars.

As always, his oratory is impressive, but is it meaningful? It’s prophetic, to say the least, but was it wise, or lucky? Is it indicative of responsible judgment befitting a President of the United States, or does it just sound good?

Eight days later, on October 10, 2002, Senator Clinton stood on the floor of the US Senate and delivered her speech in favor of Senate Joint Resolution 45, “A Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq.” It was a much longer speech which described the history of events which led to the resolution, and which explained the basis for her support. “Today,” she began, “we are asked whether to give the President of the United States authority to use force in Iraq should diplomatic efforts fail to dismantle Saddam Hussein’s chemical and biological weapons and his nuclear program.” As it turned out, this Senate resolution was tabled in favor of House Joint Resolution 114 (“Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq”). HJ Resolution 114 passed the House 296-133, and the Senate 77-23 on October 11, 2002, with Senator Clinton voting, “Yes.” This was the vote she refuses to admit was a mistake. I don’t think it was, nor do I believe that State Senator Obama, had he been US Senator Obama at the time, would have voted differently. To believe otherwise is to suggest that Senator Obama lacks the maturity and judgment to be President.

It’s all about the famously non-existent “Weapons of Mass Destruction.” The point is, they weren’t known to be non-existent at the time. Take another look the second paragraph in my excerpt from Senator Obama’s speech. In his own words, he acknowledges these weapons, believing, as did Senator Clinton, that they were real. The difference is that, just a few words later in the same speech, he asserts “But I also know that Saddam poses no imminent and direct threat to the United States.” On that basis, all attempts to negotiate having failed, Senator Obama believed then and still argues that the use of military force to protect the United States against these weapons, via their direct use and/or dissemination among those elsewhere who would use them against us, is “dumb” and unwarranted.

How is it that State Senator Obama had better information about Iraq and other people threatening our country than the majority of US Senators and Representatives who supported HJ Resolution 114? Or was he just winging it? In the absence of information unknown to either of them at the time, the fact that he didn’t agree with Senator Clinton doesn’t make him right, it makes him dangerously, recklessly presumptuous, and offers proof of his lack of preparedness and poor judgment.

Don’t trust my opinion? Of course not, what do I know? Why should you? So ask yourself. To everyone of you who might read this, especially those of you considering voting for Senator Obama in the upcoming primaries in Texas, Ohio and Pennsylvania, if you believed as did Senators Obama and Clinton that there were weapons of mass destruction, chemical, biological and nuclear, in the hands of, or being developed by the likes of Saddam Hussein, how would you have voted? Do you really want to nominate a candidate for President who would have voted differently? A candidate who would have voted not to use military force as a last resort, but who would have chosen instead to hope for the best until Saddam Hussein “falls into the dustbin of history”?

Don’t like this line of questioning? Get used to it. I’m fairly certain it’s Chapter 1 in John McCain’s campaign strategy notebook, the one with the cover title: “How to Defeat Barack Obama in the fall.”

Did things turn out pretty much the way Senator Obama predicted? Absolutely, but what happened after HJ Resolution 114 was passed, the way our current President abused and botched the limited authority given to him by Congress, isn’t the issue. It’s hindsight.

Focus on the speeches by Senator Obama on October 2, 2002, and by Senator Clinton, just 8 days later. Forget about the excitement of the rallies, and the passion of your favorite candidate’s rhetoric. It’s just you. Ask yourself, given that both candidates, as well as everyone else, believed in the existence of weapons of mass destruction in the hands of a despot which Senator Obama himself described as a “brutal,” “ruthless man,” how would you have voted? Do you really want to risk the country, the lives of your family and friends, not to mention your own, on a candidate for President who would have voted differently?


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Why Iran has every right to develop nuclear weapons.

“The moral high road to which we pretend to subscribe turns out to be something we live by on a highly selective basis.”
Wednesday, September 23, 2008

This is one of those pieces I almost didn’t write on the odd chance that someone who counts might actually read it and find my simple argument convincing.

I don’t like the government of Iran. I believe its leaders are reckless, dangerous people who pose a real threat to our friends, Israel in particular, in the region, to Western interests everywhere, and especially to the United States. I believe they have too little to lose, and way too much to gain from developing the technologies of terror. My fear is not so much that they would would use such weapons themselves, but that they might advertently or inadvertently disseminate their technology or the weapons themselves to others who would.

So on what basis do we, the United States, have the right to tell Iran that it can’t develop nuclear weapons? The obvious rationale would be that they represent a “clear and present danger” to our nation and its people in response to which we have every right to take preemptive action to defend ourselves. Neither common sense nor the law require that you wait until after you’ve been shot before protecting yourself, before preventing the shooter from pulling the trigger. But by what standard does Iran’s development of nuclear or any other weapons constitute a clear and present danger?

If, I don’t know, let’s say the Netherlands decided to develop its own nuclear weapons, would that constitute a clear and present danger? Would the international community demand that they cease and desist? Would we insist on humiliating them by inspecting their nuclear research facilities to make sure they were strictly for peaceful applications of nuclear technology? I doubt it, because we trust the Dutch, because they’re one of us. Developed. Western. Civilized, by our standards of course. Nice people. Tulips. Great tasting Amstel Light.

Suppose you’re, let’s say, black or Jewish, gay or, heaven forbid, all of the above. Despite laws which allow people in your state who have no criminal history to own guns, you have none. Guns make you nervous, and you’re opposed to them on moral grounds. Your next door neighbor, however, has no such misgivings. To make matters worse, he’s known to be an active member of some group that finds people of “your type” offensive and a threat to his own way of life. He has no compunction about expressing his dislike for you openly and aggressively. He hasn’t explicitly threatened you because there are laws against that, but he’s made it clear how he feels and plays with your fears with his rhetoric and body language at every opportunity, particularly in the presence of his friends who share similar beliefs. You’re understandably concerned, maybe even afraid. Maybe he won’t harm you himself, but there are people he knows who might, people he might encourage and support.

All that having been said, do you have a right to stop him from buying a gun, from exercising his legal, I dare say “sovereign” right to bear arms just because you find his beliefs and behavior objectionable, even scary? Perhaps you want to become an advocate for universal gun control, including preventing even you from owning a gun, but under what specific circumstances can you single him out, deprive him specifically and others sharing his points of view of their right to protect themselves against what they perceive, however misguidedly, as a danger to their way of life?

The moral high road to which we pretend to subscribe turns out to be something we live by on a highly selective basis. We have megatons of nuclear weapons ourselves and an arsenal of the highest tech conventional weapons on the planet – more than enough to scare the bejesus out of anyone, particularly a country like Iran that’s inclined not to trust our motives and knows we don’t like them. But they can’t have any. We pick who we defend and who we don’t – Georgia, for example, which Russia recently invaded – depending upon who they are and who we are defending them against. We basically do whatever we can get away with, based on the assumption that our judgment is generally infallible, and that ours is the only point of view that matters.

I’m not defending Iran and, believe me, I really don’t want them having nuclear weapons. For that matter, I don’t want anyone to have nuclear weapons, but that’s dreaming and off the point. Iran’s President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, claims, on behalf of his country, to have the sovereign right to develop nuclear or any other weapons they believe they need to defend themselves. I don’t want to, but I have to agree with him. In the absence of any hard evidence of a clear and present danger, why doesn’t Iran deserve the same right to bear arms that we reserve for ourselves as a nation, and individually? And if there is such evidence, then aren’t we compelled to take tangible, hard defensive action immediately? The fact that we don’t, and that even Israel for which the threat is close at hand hasn’t, would suggest that evidence doesn’t exist.


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