Tag Archives: Election

Reckless Endangerment

Saturday, February 23, 2008

Enough already.

Senator Obama makes a big deal about how his early opposition to the war in Iraq is proof positive of his judgment and readiness to be President – in sharp contrast to Senator Clinton who, at the same time, voted to endorse the use of military force.  Never missing an opportunity to remind us of this point, Senator Obama made the following statement during Thursday’s Democratic debate in Austin:

But [being Commander-in-Chief] also means using our military wisely.  And on what I believe was the single most important foreign policy decision of this generation, whether or not to go to war in Iraq, I believe I showed the judgment of a commander-in-chief.  And I think that Senator Clinton was wrong in her judgment on that.

Let’s overlook the excessively dramatic and technically meaningless reference to the “single most important foreign policy decision of this generation.”  (Precisely what generation would that be, and are those people done making history?)  Forget about the fact that he didn’t demonstrate his judgment back then by voting for anything.  What he “showed” us was a speech of perhaps two typewritten pages.  Let’s focus instead upon the meat of the decision to which the Senator is referring.

On October 2, 2002, now US Senator, then Illinois State Senator Barack Obama delivered a brief speech entitled “Against Going to War with Iraq.”  The speech was presented at an anti-Iraq war rally in Chicago.  It was short, and to the point.  My apologies for including such an extensive quote, but I want both to do the Senator justice as well as make my point with his own words.

I don’t oppose all wars.  …[What I oppose is a] dumb war.  A rash war.  A war based not on reason but on passion, not on principle but on politics.

Now let me be clear – I suffer no illusions about Saddam Hussein.  He is a brutal man.  A ruthless man.  A man who butchers his own people to secure his own power.  He has repeatedly defied UN resolutions, thwarted UN inspection teams, developed chemical and biological weapons, and coveted nuclear capacity.

He’s a bad buy.  The world, and the Iraqi people, would be better off without him.

But I also know that Saddam poses no imminent and direct threat to the United States, or to his neighbors, that the Iraqi economy is in shambles, that the Iraqi military a fraction of its former strength, and that in concert with the international community he can be contained until, in the way of all petty dictators, he falls away into the dustbin of history.

I know that even a successful war against Iraq will require a US occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences.  I know that an invasion of Iraq without a clear rationale and without strong international support will only fan the flames of the Middle East, and encourage the worst, rather than the best, impulses of the Arab world, and strengthen the recruitment arm of al-Qaeda.

I am not opposed to all wars.  I’m opposed to dumb wars.

As always, his oratory is impressive, but is it meaningful?  It’s prophetic, to say the least, but was it wise, or lucky?  Is it indicative of responsible judgment befitting a President of the United States, or does it just sound good?

Eight days later, on October 10, 2002, Senator Clinton stood on the floor of the US Senate and delivered her speech in favor of Senate Joint Resolution 45, “A Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq.”  It was a much longer speech which described the history of events which led to the resolution, and which explained the basis for her support.  “Today,” she began, “we are asked whether to give the President of the United States authority to use force in Iraq should diplomatic efforts fail to dismantle Saddam Hussein’s chemical and biological weapons and his nuclear program.”  As it turned out, this Senate resolution was tabled in favor of House Joint Resolution 114 (“Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq”).  HJ Resolution 114 passed the House 296-133, and the Senate 77-23 on October 11, 2002, with Senator Clinton voting, “Yes.”  This was the vote she refuses to admit was a mistake.  I don’t think it was, nor do I believe that State Senator Obama, had he been US Senator Obama at the time, would have voted differently.  To believe otherwise is to suggest that Senator Obama lacks the maturity and judgment to be President.

It’s all about the famously non-existent “Weapons of Mass Destruction.”  The point is, they weren’t known to be non-existent at the time.  Take another look the second paragraph in my excerpt from Senator Obama’s speech.  In his own words, he acknowledges these weapons, believing, as did Senator Clinton, that they were real.  The difference is that, just a few words later in the same speech, he asserts “But I also know that Saddam poses no imminent and direct threat to the United States.”  On that basis, all attempts to negotiate having failed, Senator Obama believed then and still argues that the use of military force to protect the United States against these weapons, via their direct use and/or dissemination among those elsewhere who would use them against us, is “dumb” and unwarranted.

How is it that State Senator Obama had better information about Iraq and other people threatening our country than the majority of US Senators and Representatives who supported HJ Resolution 114?  Or was he just winging it?  In the absence of information unknown to either of them at the time, the fact that he didn’t agree with Senator Clinton doesn’t make him right, it makes him dangerously, recklessly presumptuous, and offers proof of his lack of preparedness and poor judgment.

Don’t trust my opinion?  Of course not, what do I know?  Why should you?  So ask yourself.  To everyone of you who might read this, especially those of you considering voting for Senator Obama in the upcoming primaries in Texas, Ohio and Pennsylvania, if you believed as did Senators Obama and Clinton that there were weapons of mass destruction, chemical, biological and nuclear, in the hands of, or being developed by the likes of Saddam Hussein, how would you have voted?  Do you really want to nominate a candidate for President who would have voted differently?  A candidate who would have voted not to use military force as a last resort, but who would have chosen instead to hope for the best until Saddam Hussein “falls into the dustbin of history”?

Don’t like this line of questioning?  Get used to it.  I’m fairly certain it’s Chapter 1 in John McCain’s campaign strategy notebook, the one with the cover title:  “How to Defeat Barack Obama in the Fall.”

Did things turn out pretty much the way Senator Obama predicted?  Absolutely, but what happened after HJ Resolution 114 was passed, the way our current President abused and botched the limited authority given to him by Congress, isn’t the issue.  It’s hindsight.

Focus on the speeches by Senator Obama on October 2, 2002, and by Senator Clinton, just 8 days later.  Forget about the excitement of the rallies, and the passion of your favorite candidate’s rhetoric.  It’s just you.  Ask yourself, given that both candidates, as well as everyone else, believed in the existence of weapons of mass destruction in the hands of a despot which Senator Obama himself described as a “brutal,” “ruthless man,” how would you have voted?  Do you really want to risk the country, the lives of your family and friends, not to mention your own, on a candidate for President who would have voted differently?

Today’s Quote: “The Obama Delusion,” Robert Samuelson

Wednesday, February 20, 2008

The following is a quote (the last paragraph) from a piece written for Newsweek by Robert Samuelson, entitled “The Obama Delusion.”  You can use the “Recommended:” feed in my sidebar to see the complete column.

The contrast between his broad rhetoric and his narrow agenda is stark, and yet the media — preoccupied with the political “horse race” — have treated his invocation of “change” as a serious idea rather than a shallow campaign slogan.  He seems to have hypnotized much of the media and the public with his eloquence and the symbolism of his life story.  The result is a mass delusion that Obama is forthrightly engaging the nation’s major problems when, so far, he isn’t.

Audacity

Tuesday, February 19, 2008

This blog is about words.  It’s about using words to express my ideas, to encourage other people to think about them, and share their own points of view.

A lot of what I write about is political and, nowadays, often critical of this or that candidate.  I comment, based on my life experience, whatever that’s worth, but I make no pretense that I have ever run for office, which I have not, or that, if I did and won, I would be good at it.  I’m in the bleachers, far from the field of play.  My words, however eloquent, clever or moving – which is not to say they are any of those things – do not, simply by virtue of my having written them, make me what I describe.  I may be a writer, and critic.  My ideas may have merit and may be worth pursuing, but I have, at best, accomplished nothing more than the immediate impact of my saying them.

Senator Obama has recently been accused of having copped a speech which was made by Deval Patrick, now Governor of Massachusetts.  Whether or not he plagiarized Mr. Patrick isn’t the point.  What troubles me is what he said in that speech, and at other times, when he has responded to Senator Clinton’s comment that talk is cheap – or, in the parlance of the upcoming Texas primary, “big hat, no cattle.”

Instead of responding to her criticism by describing his accomplishments, he chooses instead to talk about the power of words, evoking the memories of no less than Thomas Jefferson, Franklin Roosevelt and Martin Luther King.  These are people whose extraordinary accomplishments, over years of public service, have, in retrospect, made their words so impressive, so memorable.  It is not the other way around.  Their words were expressions of who they were, and important tools in accomplishing their objectives, but little more than condiments to the substance of their many achievements.

“We the People” is not equivalent to “Yes we can,” nor does saying those words make you on a par with any of our founding fathers, Jefferson among them.  Senator Obama may have a dream or two, but it doesn’t make him Reverend King, nor is the reference relevant given that Dr. King wasn’t running for President, wasn’t claiming that he could more effectively manage our federal government bureaucracy than his opponents.

I favor the candidacy of Hillary Clinton, but I have some advice for Senator Obama lest he win now, only to lose to Senator McCain in the Fall.  And this is a topic I know more than a little something about.  It is the temptation and cardinal sin of all great salesmen that, at some point, they begin to believe their own hype.  Sooner or later, the people will catch on, if not before the primaries, certainly by November when the other half of the people who will be voting in the general election get up and go to the polls.

Voter Advice for Women From a Male Feminist

Sunday, February 17, 2008

A few days ago, I wrote a piece (“Endorsement,” 2/13/08) in which I made the argument that, if a white woman and a black man were perceived as equally qualified to be President, it was incumbent upon black voters to vote for the black man, and women to vote for the woman.  (I didn’t address the quandary of black women.  For the sake this particular piece, I’m going to assume that race trumps gender.)  I said, without the least hesitation, and still believe that to do otherwise, would be “illogical and irresponsible.”  Since then, a friend, whose opinions I respect, has commented that my argument is, basically, prejudiced.  Even if the two candidates were equally capable, which he argues they can’t be because two people never are, a voter’s choice should be random.  At the time, I gave him the last word, and moved on.  Now that my candidate (Senator Clinton) is struggling, I feel the need to get back into the game, and make my point clear and more emphatic.

The objective of any decision is to maximize the benefit derived by the entity making it.  Which entity is that?  Could be Congress, a PTA, or Board of Directors, superficially at least, but it all comes down to the individual, to you and me.  If, for example, we are a Senator highly motivated to promote the common good, then that will be our personal objective when we vote – even if it is against our own, personal best interests.  Senator McCain actually campaigns on precisely that point, that he puts his country first, himself a distant second.  Impressive in an emotional way, but it’s all semantics.  His spin notwithstanding, Senator McCain is still maximizing his personal benefit.  As my father once taught me, all decisions are selfish.  The focus of the decision may be the public good, but only because, in the mind and heart of the decision-maker, maximizing the public good was the most important objectlive.

Alright, I am a black or white woman voter.  There are differences between the candidates.  One is a more experienced government policy “wonk,” admittedly with baggage, the other is an inspirational newbie.  All things considered, you say to yourself, the country will be in pretty good shape whichever one wins, as long as the Republicans are out of The White House.  (I happen to think Senator Clinton’s experience and policy development skills make her the superior candidate, and that I can always vote for Senator Obama 8 years from now when he’s more seasoned, but my personal opinion isn’t what I’m arguing here.)

So, you rationalize, Senator Clinton will make a good President.  What she lacks in oratory, she’ll make up in productivity.  We’ll be okay, and not appreciably worse off than if you elected Senator Obama, your feel good candidate.  Well, ask yourself, which decision maximizes your personal benefit?  Vote for Obama, or vote for Clinton and shatter, once and for all, any notion that women can’t manage, can’t do anything to which they aspire?  It depends, doesn’t it, upon how much you care about the common good, about the half of our society that still commands less respect, in business and in government, that the other half.

As I argued in “Endorsement,” it could be a while before another woman, as qualified as Senator Clinton, is this close to being President.  To those of you women out there who are undecided, and especially to those of you who were planning on sitting out the Wisconsin, Texas, Ohio and Pennsylvania primaries because you didn’t think it made that much difference, think again.  It’s perfectly logical and responsible for black voters to support Senator Obama.  What are you waiting for?

Endorsement

Wednesday, February 13, 2008

Pursuant to minimum forethought and deliberation befitting the obvious, I am breaking with no particular tradition whatsoever to enthusiastically endorse the nomination of

Barack Obama for President of the United States, 2016.

My feeling is that he should actually be ready by then.

In the meantime, we’ll just have to do with the much more qualified, extremely intelligent, and thoroughly tested Hillary Clinton, her lack of comparable oratory skills notwithstanding. I’d compare their records to make my point, but, for all intents and purposes, Senator Obama doesn’t have one.  As for his argument that he’s been opposed to the war from the very beginning, while Senator Clinton has not, please refer to my piece entitled “Whoops” (February 9, 2008). If you’re thinking about voting for Senator Obama because some poll shows him a few points ahead of Senator McCain, “were the election held today,” ask yourself if you would bet your life, or your country, on the accuracy of that poll.  Polls are often incorrect.  More to the point, the election isn’t going to be held today, but over eight grueling campaign months from now.  Compare the candidates’ records.  Ask yourself what skills and experience a President needs to be effective.  Make up your own mind, no matter what the polls may suggest.One last thing…  I’d like to assume that black American voters might prefer Senator Obama because they sincerely believe he’d make a comparable, if not better President.  I’d like to assume that, but will forgive some of them for just plain wanting some of their same color in The White House – to which, I’ve got to say, it’s about time.  Thing is, I’d like to make the same argument for all those women out there who would like, once and for all, to put an end to any lingering sentiment to the effect that there are some things they just can’t do because they’re women.  If you believe Senator Obama is more qualified, vote for him, absolutely.  But if you think Hillary Clinton is at least as qualified as Barack Obama to be President, well, vote for her and put an end, once and for all, to any doubt about the abilities of your gender.  Senator Obama will run again in 2016.  Could be a while before another woman, as qualified as Senator Clinton, is this close to being President.

Whoops

Saturday, February 9, 2008

A mistake, according to Dictionary.com, is “an error in action, calculation, opinion, or judgment caused by poor reasoning, carelessness, insufficient knowledge, etc.”

In retrospect, when Senator Clinton cast her famous vote to allow the use of military force in Iraq, she made a mistake.  The question is, was it a mistake based on poor judgment as Senator Obama would have us believe, or insufficient information, which is her counter argument?  Should she, or any of the others who voted for the resolution, have anticipated exactly what President Bush and his cohorts intended to do with that authority – or that the Administration had misunderstood, to put it politely, the extent of the threat to our national security?  I don’t know.  Certainly the first kind of mistake is more relevant for the prospect of a Hillary Clinton Presidency than the latter.

What I do know is that nothing is as simple as Senator Obama would like us to believe.  I don’t know what Senator Clinton was thinking, but I do know that Senator Obama had the luxury of offering simple platitudes on foreign policy from his vantage point on the sidelines.  (Senator Obama was an Illinois state Senator on October 10, 2002 when Senator Clinton delivered her speech on the floor of the US Senate to explain her support of the President’s request.)  Is he the psychic candidate?  Did he really foresee where this Iraq mess would end up, or did he just get lucky?  Under what circumstances would he expect the same vote from Senator Clinton where he, Barack Obama, the one in The White House asking for Senate approval?

Senator Clinton’s October speech began with the words, “Today we are asked whether to give the President of the United States authority to use force in Iraq should diplomatic efforts fail to dismantle Saddam Hussein’s chemical and biological weapons and his nuclear program.”  At the time, lots of people – perhaps state Senator Obama, as well – were convinced that the threat of weapons of mass destruction was real.  Just how big a mistake was she making?  Why shouldn’t she have believed President Bush?

I understand that Senator Obama believes in negotiating and compromise as a preferable alternative to military action.  Who doesn’t?  In fact, the resolution authorized force only if negotiations were to fail.  Wouldn’t Senator Obama have made basically the same speech had he been in Senator Clinton’s position?

Barack Obama likes to question Hillary Clinton’s judgment.  The question for Maryland Democrats on Tuesday is do they want to nominate an armchair, Monday morning quarterback, or the real deal?

The Better Bet

Thursday, February 7, 2008

The Maryland primary is coming up next week, and I’m looking forward to voting for Barack Obama – eight years from now, maybe.  For now, I consider him a prototype, a Beta Test Candidate complete with all the newest bells and whistles, but very much a work in progress.  So cool, to be sure, but am I willing to risk the consequences of the inevitable glitches of his inexperience and naiveté?  No.  Senator Clinton isn’t the perfect candidate either, but her professional maturity and practical experience make her Presidency the better bet.

For precisely the same reasons, I believe she has a greater chance of beating McCain.  Oratory, no matter how inspirational, gets old quickly.  It won’t be enough to win, and certainly isn’t enough to govern.  Senator Clinton, because she is the more substantive, albeit less eloquent of the two, will be more effective against the advantage of McCain’s seniority.  Remember, all those people cheering at the Obama rallies aren’t the only ones who’ll be voting.

“I Like Ike”

Monday, January 28, 2008
(That’s “Ike” as in “Eisenhower,” not “Mike” as in “Huckabee” who uses a similar slogan for his campaign.)

If my memory serves me correctly, and I’m not sure it does, my introduction to politics came about when I was 9 years old.  Eisenhower was running for President for the second time he would be elected.  He never made it to Annapolis, the town where I grew up, but some notable Maryland Republicans and other Ike supporters staged a parade to promote his candidacy.  My father, who I found out later was very interested in politics and would eventually run for office, twice – once for County Commissioner, and then later for Mayor – had managed to get us in the front row of the crowd lining both sides of the street.  Holding my father’s hand, I watched them coming up West Street in their motorcade.

I was interested, but didn’t get it yet.  I understood that there was a Presidential election, and that my father and so many others who had served under his command held Eisenhower in high regard.  I suspect Eisenhower is why my father became a Republican after the war.  And there they came, but while my father was watching at the officials that were waving, caught up in the hoopla of the moment, I was looking around, thinking about other stuff the way kids do.  Most of all I remember the buttons.  Someone walking along with the motorcade was throwing small “I Like Ike” buttons at the people, my father and me included.  “This is all wrong,” I remember saying to myself, picking a couple of them up off the street with my one free hand.  “These pins on the back could hurt someone.”  And that’s what I was thinking when the bigshots in motorcade drove by, waving, so it seemed, directly at me.  I was, after all, the cute little kid in the front row with the big eyes and curly hair.  I stared back, a small reflexive smirk on my face, and bent over to pick up another pin.

Eight years later I was in Baltimore, at the Lord Baltimore Hotel during the Maryland Republican Party Convention which my father was attending.  My Dad had gotten us great seats along the railing in the balcony of this large room, on the right side of the podium, in perfect position to see the speaker.  We were there to see William Scranton, the Governor of Pennsylvania, announce his candidacy for President of the United States.  The room was full and noisy when Governor Scranton took his place behind the microphone, putting a stack of pages on the stand in front of him. The crowd had barely quieted down when he began his speech.

He seemed ordinary, surprisingly so, until he started talking.  What happened next was nothing short of stunning.  I had never heard, let alone been that close to anyone who could deliver a speech like this.  In no time at all, Scranton began tearing into the audience, one round of applause starting before the one before it had subsided, louder and louder in response to every come-on and well turned phrase.  This was no campus audience.  These were Republican men in suits, my father among them, on their feet with excitement.  And I was mesmerized, by his energy and perfect timing, but most of all by the way he was himself caught up in the moment, taking page after page of his widely spaced text and throwing it onto the carpet behind him.  Not just turning the pages, but throwing them away as if that one thought and those words had no particular or durable meaning.

Scranton would lose the nomination to Goldwater, but it didn’t make any difference.  It was the drama in the room that I would always remember.  It had been 12 years since I held my father’s hand while Eisenhower drove by.  This time, I got it.  That fall I would leave for college while some of my fellow high school graduates would go off to fight in what would become the unpopular war of the time.  We would have our causes, our rallies and rousing speeches promising hope and a new direction that were the stuff for which the 60s would be remembered.  Now, in retrospect, what did all that passion really accomplish?

Politics is a lot about emotion.  I know that.  It’s unavoidable, and important.  We need to like the people we’re voting for and, if we’re lucky, to be inspired by them.  Unfortunately, it’s arguable whether or not likeable, inspiring people can manage their way out of a paper bag, let alone run our federal government, develop and implement effective social and economic programs, while maintaining our national security, not to mention world peace.  Our current President, for example, was elected largely because people liked him, or liked his more intelligent, more cable opponents less.  Is there nothing his two terms in office have taught us about how to choose a President?

One of the current candidates, the least experienced among the major players in both parties, is a particularly moving speaker, and very likable.  In fact, I’m seriously considering voting for him – eight years from now.  Perhaps, by then, he’ll have something more tangible to offer us than stirring rhetoric.  If he wants my vote now, he’s going to have to show me something more tangible.  I understand the power of his intensity and the allure of his passion, but is there anything more to it?  Other than the promise of a new direction, other than the feel-good speeches, we need to ask ourselves, what specifically does any candidate have to offer?  Other than the hype, what makes us think this person can effectively manage routine and crisis government situations?  You can’t really think that he or she is going to talk his way out of every problem, or create and implement meaningful government policy because of his skills as an orator?

I want to feel good about the President I elect, and I’m as dissatisfied as the next guy with our government’s performance.  I, too, am desperate to believe that we can go in a new direction, almost to the point of not asking what, precisely, that means or how we’ll get there.  Almost, but the overwhelming feeling of déjà vu keeps bringing me back to reality.  Suppose, for example, that you are seriously ill, and need major surgery.  Which doctor do you want operating on you?  The freshman resident with minimal experience, but the wonderful, feel good bedside manner, or the course, no-nonsense professional who is more highly skilled?  How is picking a President any different, particularly in light of what we all have at stake?  Assuming we can’t have both, which skill set is more important?  Inspirational speaking, or experienced management?  On which doctor would you bet your life?  On which candidate would you bet your country?

Mincemeat

Saturday, January 19, 2008

For those of you who may not already know, “mincemeat” doesn’t have any beef, pork or other animal products in it.  (It’s sort of like “Grape Nuts.”  No grapes.  No nuts.  What’s up with that?)  Mincemeat is a pie filling made from fruit.  My mother used to make me a mincemeat pie now and then when I was a kid, but I can’t remember what it tasted like, and now I’m not supposed to eat desserts.  To tell you the truth, the few times I’m going to eat dessert despite my doctor’s advice, I’m not going to waste them on mincemeat.

“Mincemeat” is also a condition.  It’s what really good players or teams in any sport or profession make out of their less capable and less well prepared opponents.

I haven’t decided who I’m supporting for President.  Not yet, but one of the Democratic candidates likes to talk about how he’s going to change the way our government operates through a process which involves a great deal of compromise.  He’s apparently a very sensitive person, unquestionably very bright and a really excellent speaker, who is confident, perhaps to a fault, in his ability to bring divergent views together.  He believes in the power of compromise, and in his effectiveness as an instrument and center of convergence.  Admirable, and interesting, but I’m worried.

I’ve been compromising with my wife for a few decades now, and have more or less perfected the art.  What I’ve learned is that compromise usually means one of two things.  Either one or the other party gets his or her way, period.  The other person gets nothing, except maybe credit toward the outcome of a future decision of lesser importance to the other party.  Or, a choice is made which neither of us is really crazy about – which is why we don’t do that anymore.

In business, my experience has been only slightly different.  Sometimes, for example, you have a dispute over, let’s say, the number of a given item to order.  One of you wants to order more, the other less, and you agree on some amount that you both find acceptable.  Unfortunately, that’s not how it works when it comes to something really important.  In government, I’m talking about the kind of decision that affects people’s lives.

You work hard to figure out what you believe to be the best way to do something, to provide universal health care, for example, to solve the problem of illegal immigration, diminish the threat of terrorism, or resolve some urgent international crisis.  There are so many things, large and small, local, national and foreign that we need to accomplish.  Other people who count disagree with you, and then one two things is going to happen.  Either you agree to a true comprise, a middle ground that produces an inferior program, or you make deals to get your way now at the expense of giving someone else his way later – even if it’s not in the best interests of the people.  Usually it’s both.  Comprise tends to have two effects:  on the people who make the compromise, and then separately on the people who are supposed to benefit from the program, the quality and power of which has been compromised by the first group.  You modify the program and make special arrangements, concessions you regretted when you made them.  In no time at all you’ve made so many deals you need staff to keep track of who owes who what.  Is this the politics of change?  What it is, is the traditional, business as usual way to accomplish what passes for progress in our nation’s and state capitals.

If an executive, or anyone for that matter, has a really good idea, something that’s been carefully crafted for all the right reasons, he or she either needs to sell it, meaning convince others to support it, or make it happen by virtue of his or her authority.  Compromise may be part of that process, but it can’t be allowed to erode the effectiveness or correctness of our programs.

An inexperienced President, particularly one who goes into the job believing in the power of compromise, is going to be up against some serious, highly skilled players, and desperate to get things done, to live up to all those campaign promises and his own self-image as doer and master of change.  I smell mincemeat pie baking in the oven, and suspect that the professional politicians, business interests, and foreign governments will be having more than their fair shares of dessert, at our expense.

Chump Change

Friday, January 4, 2008

Times change, more so in some aspects of our lives than others.

In the few decades I’ve been around, the pace of technological advance has been nothing short of phenomenal.  It’s been bold and profound, exciting and sometimes scary, all at once, each breakthrough building upon the one before it at an accelerating pace, one discovery in one field leading to another in another with a remarkable synergy among traditional and emerging disciplines.  Very cool, and what a rush.

Most days, I wear jeans and a long sleeve t-shirt to work in my office.  My father wore a suit.  (Actually, I’m not sure, but I think he may have slept in one, and my mother in her house dress.)  There you go.  Is this a great country, or what?

Social change, by comparison, takes time, and usually seems faster in retrospect than during the times when it was actually occurring.  Unquestionably, we’ve come a long, long way in just a couple of hundred years, and in my lifetime for that matter, changing our behavior and attitudes in profound and enduring ways while we struggle to keep up with the accelerating pace of our lives.  The progress we’ve made is impressive.  It’s not easy preserving the best of what we are while living up to our potential as individuals and as a people, without fully understanding what’s happening to us along the way.

The motto of the college I attended was “Ever changing, yet eternally the same.”  It was a good college, and a great time to be a student high on the excitement of political and social events which would affect forever how I think about myself and our country.  There was an unpopular war, and a political movement of historic proportions and impact which grew out of the fears, frustration and exuberance of my generation.  And I met my wife on that campus, without question the best single thing that’s ever happened to me.  It was a time, and I was of an age, when the prospect of change was a sure thing.

This piece isn’t an endorsement of any particular candidate.  It’s a commentary on the abuse of a word.  They can talk about it all they want, but no one, however well meaning or determined, is going to bring about any fundamental change in the way our government works during the time he or she is in office.   I don’t want change, I want progress.  I want a smart, efficient universal health care program, for example.  Maybe you do, maybe you don’t, but that’s not the point.  I want to get it done, or not, and to stop talking about it.  I want to get over the feeling that what we’re paying for our government amounts to tipping a waiter for just being there.  I want to feel like I’m getting my money’s worth for the taxes I’m paying.  The more our candidates promise change, the less I think they understand the meaning of the term.  More to the point, it’s not even what I want.  It’s off point, and I’m tired of their rhetoric.

I seldom go out to the movies any more.  My wife and I are busy, and there’s plenty to watch on TV while we do stuff around the house.  When I do go, I want it to count.  A few months ago, I’m sitting in the back of the theater while my wife reads the credits like she’s related to the caterer and can’t wait to see his name on the big screen.  Two rows in front of me, another man sitting next to his wife rises to his feet, looks down at her and says exactly what I’m thinking.  “Well, that’s two hours of my life I’ll never get back.”  That’s pretty much how I feel about Presidential campaigns.

Could the candidates please stop promising change, set a limited number of objectives for their Presidency that they might actually be able to accomplish, and explain precisely how and over what period of time they’re going to do it?  I don’t want change from my government.  We, the people, will take care of that.  He or she isn’t going to be the “Leader of the Free World.”  We are – provided, of course, that we prove worthy of the title.  The President is our employee.  I don’t want a President who changes anything.  I want results from an intelligent, savvy, professional manager, through a realistic agenda within the context of the current bureaucracy.  If only there was someone like Michael Bloomberg running for office.  (Did I say that out loud?)